The case of Shaimaa Justaneyah, sentenced to receive lashes as a punishment for driving, shows how much Saudi women need the long overdue gift of basic rights
Shaimaa Justaneyah's case was being heard for months; she witnessed three hearings with her male guardian before she finally received the verdict. By keeping a low profile and avoiding media or activists' attention, she hoped to sign a simple warranty not to drive, as customary. Her tactic was aimed at avoiding retaliation by the authorities or worse, at avoiding getting accusations of incitement against the country, a charge not uncommon against activists, with worse outcomes.
After receiving the dramatic sentence, Shaimaa finally contacted the group women2drive which immediately issued a statement about her case that travelled all over the world from their websites and social networks.
News of the sentence dimmed the celebratory spirit of the historical royal decrees and sent obvious messages to Saudi women that their struggle toward their basic rights is yet in the infancy stage, at least on the legal front.
Shaimaa is not alone. Najla Hariri, who used to drive repeatedly in Jeddah due to the absence of a driver, was also called for questioning and is facing a similar case with unknown outcomes.
The right to drive is viewed by Saudi women as a basic need that would empower hundreds who currently rely on the availability of drivers or male relatives to commute. Most of the women affected are from lower- to middle-class families or are working women.
Recruitment of drivers is not formally granted to women but to their male relatives, making the issue more complicated for women who are not supported by capable male relatives or for those who can't accommodate drivers in their homes. The inconvenience created by the restriction on women's movements ensured a high response rate for the women-driving campaign. It is believed that the simple step of allowing women the right to drive would enable greater numbers of women to enrol in jobs or education and would ease the financial burden on many families with limited income. It is not understood why the ban still exists, despite the repeated calls to lift it. The official religious scholars who usually oppose the calls for women's empowerment on any level are shown to be the first to comply if an alleviation is decreed by the king. Observers have noticed the quick change of heart of the hardline scholars when the king decided to open the first co-ed university and when he granted women suffrage rights. All it takes is a royal decree.
The opposition to women driving has been focused on issues such as priorities of women's rights, gradual changes of the status quo, and preparing the infrastructure to ensure no gender mixing takes effect.
Yet, all those claims are easily challenged by the presence of other Saudi sectors where women are served by male officials in hospitals, government offices, courts, and airports, without any notable problems.
Saudi women's rights have been at the tail of the reforms locally and internationally for many decades. In celebrating the 81st anniversary of Saudi Arabia, an overdue gift to its women would be allowing them the basic rights of commuting and lifting the guardianship law restrictions, and perhaps then they can freely exercise effectively the promised suffrage rights. An additional treat would be to bring forward the legal system to the 21st century, where peaceful activists can safely function without being lashed.
Hala Al-Dosari is a Saudi writer and activist
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